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Why does Big Tobacco hide behind hospitality industry fronts and work at arm's length with allies to block smokefree measures?
1. Big Tobacco is America's most distrusted industry. Its open opposition to smokefree measures actually boosts the majority voting for them.
2. Many hospitality groups take money from Big Tobacco. If they don't, Big Tobacco quickly sets up its own fake fronts.
3. Big Tobacco fields a swarm of "experts" to push its agenda, but those known to be in its pay lose credibility — and usefulness.
Don't have friends? Invent them...
If Big Tobacco can't buy hospitality groups to serve as fronts, it sets up its own. The Beverly Hills Restaurant Association was the first, fabricated by a Tobacco Institute PR firm in 1987. But that scam was so successful, and carried such low risk, that today Big Tobacco coopts existing groups or conjures up fake fronts to fight countless local and state smokefree restaurant measures.
For example, in 2000 Phillip Morris sent Steve Grover at the National Restaurant Association $250,000 to support Big Tobacco's claims that ventilation systems — not smokefree restaurants — were the way to deal with secondhand smoke.
In 2003, Philip Morris funded yet another misleading report by the accounting firm Deloitte + Touche purporting to find economic harm from smokefree measures. This report was released by the National Restaurant Association, which continues to promote it.
The Licensed Beverage Association in Ohio backed legislation to strip local health boards of the authority to regulate smoking in public places. Other restaurant groups linked to the tobacco industry have attacked smokefree measures across the United States — in Alaska, Louisiana, New Hampshire, Ohio, and Oregon in one election year alone.
Or rent them...
Big Tobacco also funds and collaborates with dozens of hospitality groups in the U.S. — state restaurant associations and national groups including the National Restaurant Association, the American Beverage Institute, and National Licensed Beverage Association — and overseas.
For example, in 2000 Phillip Morris sent Steve Grover at the National Restaurant Association $250,000 to support Big Tobacco's claims that ventilation systems — not smokefree restaurants — were the way to deal with secondhand smoke. The Licensed Beverage Association in Ohio backed legislation to strip local health boards of the authority to regulate smoking in public places. Other restaurant groups linked to the tobacco industry have attacked smokefree measures across the United States — in Alaska, Louisiana, New Hampshire, Ohio, and Oregon in 2001 alone.
Is your hospitality association playing footsy with Big Tobacco?
Plot locally, spread globally...
Big Tobacco's hospitality alliances extend worldwide. Examples?
- In July 1989, HORECA (International Association of Hotels, Restaurants and Cafes) published a newsletter "Alert" claiming smoking restrictions in restaurants caused conflict and led to loss of revenue.
- In October 1989, a HORECA "special report" detailed measurement of tobacco smoke, relying on material from Healthy Buildings International, a consulting firm Big Tobacco has built up to support its political agenda. HORECA's report promoted Big Tobacco's ventilation "solution" to secondhand smoke.
- Later in 1989, HORECA introduced the "Preserve Our Traditions" campaign to promote "accommodation." Developed for HORECA by Philip Morris, "Traditions" deploys the identical logo tested in its Pittsburgh pilot "accommodation" campaign.
Philip Morris anticipated that national restaurant associations in other countries would launch their own accommodation campaigns based on HORECA's "Preserve Our Traditions" kit, including ventilation suggestions, a model customer survey, and a cover letter from HORECA's president and its secretary-general.
- In 1994 alone, Philip Morris budgeted $200,000
to fund HORECA's newsletter, develop HORECA's management curriculum and two other HORECA initiatives, and cover membership dues.
- Philip Morris's European plan for 1994-1996 projected using national hospitality associations to generate and lobby for preemptive laws that block smokefree measures, and to promote costly ventilation "solutions" for restaurant owners safeguarding its $8-10 billion in tobacco revenues worldwide.
- By 1996, Philip Morris's "Worldwide Strategy and Plan" included this goal: "Develop, as needed, creation of national hospitality associations where none exist and encourage their affiliation with HORECA International." Sparing no expense to shape these groups' publications and conferences, Philip Morris today captivates a global "accommodation" coalition.
Know about any other connections between Big Tobacco and the hospitality industry? Tell us.
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